A clear tradition determines the course of the National Party Congress of the NSDAP. It begins with the ringing of every bell in Nuremberg. The party calls Germany to the great gathering of the Germans and announces simultaneously that the Führer has entered the city. Nuremberg then greets the Führer and the party in the old, splendid city hall. The congress gathers the next day to hear Adolf Hitler's yearly proclamation The Führer reviews what has been accomplished and outlines and gives orders for the future. This annual gathering is a powerful arena in which the energy of the entire people is gathered to set the next goals and receive new direction. The cultural session takes place that evening. Adolf Hitler gives a major speech that expounds on the cultural duties of the movement.

Adolf Hitler's double proclamation to the party rally makes clear the inner National Socialist unity of political accomplishment and cultural guidance. That alone says more about the National Socialist movement than all the intellectual analysts could say with a thousand essays. The combination of politics and culture in the party rally's program is clear proof of the enormous confidence that fills the German renewal movement, and which as always spurs it on to still greater accomplishments. No matter how splendid and triumphant the political accomplishments discussed in the morning are, come evening the party reports on it cultural strengths and achievements. It knows that great political accomplishments also demand great works of art, and that only these will justify its position in history. As the Führer has said, National Socialism sees artistic creations as the highest expression of a nation's being. This view, which breaks decisively from the past, was expressed in the conclusion of his speech about the new German cultural era at Nuremberg in 1936: "Art is the only truly immortal product of human activity."

On the next day, the series of powerful marches by National Socialist organizations begins. Each has its own characteristics that give expression to a part of National Socialist life and National Socialist behavior. Although much in the marches is different, all are united by a single rhythm and a single will. Each follows the beat of the German march that determines its pace, each looks to the Führer and repeats each year the pledge of loyalty that is within their hearts.

It is only natural that the series of marches begins each year with the Day of the Labor Service. The lives of these young working men give the clearest and most beautiful expression to the will, the goals and the longing of fighting National Socialism. Here we see selfless service to the community of the people and the unprejudiced camaraderie of all Germany in service of the great law they all serve. "You do not know how much the German people love you. You have become such a part of our national life that we can no longer imagine it without you," said the Führer to the 45,000 young German workers who appeared before him on 10 September 1936.

The march of the political leaders follows that of the Labor Service, then the Day of the Hitler Youth, the roll call of the SA, SS and NSKK, and finally the Day of the Army. Always new images, new columns, each committed to certain tasks and obligations in service to Germany, showing always therefore the same unshakable unity.

At the same time, numerous meetings of party offices and commissions occur, along with sessions of the larger congress. In these meetings, party offices report on what they have done and outline what they plan to do in the coming year. These meetings too are "roll calls," examinations of what has been done and of what will be done. Besides the presence of the Führer, the size of the mass meetings, the days of the National Socialist Women's League and the annual meeting of the German Labor Front are particularly impressive.

On the seventh day, after all the meetings are finished and the series of great marches concludes with the military, the party congress gathers a final time. The Führer appears in person and in his final speech sends the party home to take up the work of the coming year. The words Adolf Hitler speaks to his comrades and followers stay with them for the next twelve months, and are at the same time a call for everyone who lives and fights in the German community. The Führer has the last clear word, showing how the movement is doing in meeting its historical mission. He tells each National Socialist what his place is and what his duties are. The party rally finds its clearest symbol and its greatest power in this last dialogue between the Führer and his followers, all of whom are stall deeply moved by what they have experienced and also looking forward to the tasks awaiting them at home.

That is the external course of the party rally that has developed over the past three years, slowly and organically, and which now has its final form. This is not a calcified form, however, rather the vast and necessary frame that organizes the concentrated power of National Socialism within a limited space. There are already plans and ideas to give today's structures new power, and which within a few years will give the Reich party rally even greater scope.

National Socialist unity is obvious, displaying an ever living dynamic both in spiritual directions as well as in artistic achievements.

The proclamations the party gives to the public grow sharper, more precise each year. Each party rally is a blacksmith's anvil under which the profile of the new Germany is receiving its clear lines and shape.

Simultaneously and serving as powerful witnesses to a unique will, the buildings of the party rally are taking shape. The Luitpold Arena was used for the first time in 1935 as the marching ground for the brown army in its new form. This field unites in stone the youthful power of the movement with the memory of the dead of the war. Three enormous 24-meter flags of the movement hang above the bright white limestone platform. Even higher stand the two eagles of the movement, unique in their artistic form, and also the two largest bronze castings made in Germany in decades. This new field is the first example of National Socialist Germany's new architectural style, expressed in the form of a large arena for marches and ceremonies.

More powerful and impressive still is the large Zeppelin Field, completed for the 1936 Parity Congress of Honor. A shimmering row of columns 350 meters long leads from the large platform from which the Führer speaks. The proud bright marble joins with the brilliant red of the swastika flags to form an indescribably festive harmony.

On the banks of Nuremberg's Dutzendteich, work is progressing on the enormous new Congress Hall. Simultaneously the last changes are being made in the overall plan of the Reich Party Rally grounds as a result of the Führer's thinking. Still to come are the May Field, a large culture building, an exhibition hall, a stadium, and a triumphal processional street of the movement. The original plans from 1934 are now only a part of the whole. The final form of this great artistic achievement will be five times as large.

Just as the will of the Führer gives each year gives new impetus to the architectural nature of the rally, so to the tasks and program grows in scope. As the final scope of the party rally's grounds became clear, Adolf Hitler announced at the conclusion of the 1936 party rally that it will in the future become a great German Olympic festival: "What came of the pitiable rallies of our former opponents! Now we see a great exhibition of the nation in political, military, spiritual, cultural and economic arenas. The physical activity of the nation must also be included in the splendid new facilities of the party rally grounds. It will be a new Olympia, one in modern form and under a different name!" Once again the Führer revealed in these words the greatness of an idea which is not a dead teaching, rather part of our innermost being, an ever living appeal to all sound feelings and to the creative strength of each German.

This plan for future Reich party rallies is part of Adolf Hitler's larger plans, including a new Nuremberg, the transformation of the capital of the movement [Munich], and the reconstruction of Berlin, the capital of the German Reich. We sense that just as Napoleon transformed Paris into the glittering center of his state with monumental plans, so too the national capital of Berlin will become a source of pride and greatness for the entire nation.

It finally would be improper if the artistic level of the ceremonies themselves were not of a level keeping with their vast new surroundings. This was evident both in the youth ceremonies and those of the Labor Service at the 1936 Party Rally of Honor. Their simple clarity and almost architectural form were a deep expression of the new German life. The same was true of the powerful oath of political leaders of the movement, held under the deep black night sky. As Adolf Hitler was greeted, spotlights suddenly shot up 150 kilometers into the heavens, creating a dome of light of unimaginable splendor above the Zeppelin Field. This political roll call of National Socialism took place under a symphony of flags, light and disciplined columns, towered over by the marble platform.

Every moment of this party really demonstrated the creative, constructive will of the National Socialist movement. Everyone in Nuremberg felt this and was swept away by its force. The spiritual strength of the party of construction led to an inevitable confrontation with Jewish-International Bolshevism, whose systematic work of destruction has brought one nation after another in Europe to crisis and misery.

As a proud victor, the Führer in his opening proclamation could list the accomplishments of his government and the movement, which National Socialism has done in less than four years since it took power. The battle against unemployment and the large new economic undertakings are part of a long series of accomplishments that only four years ago seemed an impossible dream, but today are already part of a history that National Socialism hardly speaks about any longer. Yet these great achievements are not the party's crowning glory. More beautiful and glorious is the educational work of the movement, its building of a new German man. The accomplishments thus far have never been rivaled by any previous government in so short a time. Already the Führer sets the goal for the coming four years:

"In four years Germany must be independent of all foreign raw materials. We must produce them ourselves, whether by German ability or through our chemical, machine and mining industries."

The foundations for our economic and social well-being have been laid in the first four years. This alone would have taken previous governments a long time indeed. But for National Socialism it is only the first step on which a truly new chapter of the German people can be based. The ability of the movement to energetically take on this task was proven by Adolf Hitler's declaration that he had already given the first orders for this new Four Year Plan.

The man who has such constructive accomplishments behind him, and who sets as the goal for the coming years not wars of conquest, rather putting the energies of his people to new economic and cultural goals, has every right at the close of the National Socialist rally to warn the entire world, and Europe in particular, of the Bolshevist world plague. The Führer spoke of the lessons of political development in recent years. He spoke as well of the experiences that Germany and the National Socialist movement have had with the destructive Bolshevist idea. He proclaimed the iron will of the new Germany to drive back with force any Bolshevist attack. In this moment the Führer of Germany became the greatest political prophet in all of Europe.

The National Socialists who heard Germany's Führer know that the words Adolf Hitler spoke in Nuremberg are the result of serious, mature reflection, careful observation, and irresistable logic. Here speaks a man who knows better than anyone else the bestial nature and methods of Bolshevism. His warning and firm bearing were therefore a political prophecy that will guide the future development of European politics. The movement in Nuremberg understood. The thanks and jubilation of his followers doubled as he called up the old iron laws and virtues of the National Socialist movement to stand up to Bolshevism, hammering them once more into the hearts of his followers. Our brown army overcame Jewish-Bolshevist anarchy in Germany, marching under the eagles of the National Socialist standards and our red battle flags. The spirit that led the German war for independence against Moscow will make Germany strong in the future, defeating any Bolshevist attack on central Europe. That is the message of Nuremberg.

Race and Population Policy
Dr. Gerhard Wagner

The world has been most interested in the policies and actions of National Socialism that have to do with its new approach to the concepts of race and population.

From my experience, one can divide those who respond to the New Germany's measures in these regards with a lack of understanding, uncertainty, opposition, or even hostility, into several groups.

One group consists of emigres and ignoramuses. I group them together because we are going to ignore them. Even the gods fight in vain against ignorance and stupidity, and emigre lies have become so outrageous and tasteless that they find ever fewer gullible listeners abroad.

Another group consists of scholars and scientists, a group steadily becoming smaller - even abroad - as is clear from the most varied decisions of foreign and international scientific societies that agree with our racial hygiene measures and our genetic policies. We can only say to these learned critics that our genetic and racial thinking stems in the end not from our scientific, but rather from our National Socialist convictions, and that it was not learned scientists, but rather our Führer Adolf Hitler, and he alone, who made genetic and racial thinking the center of our National Socialist worldview and the foundation of the rebuilding of our people's state. The doctrines of blood and race are not first of all an important and interesting piece of biological science to us, but rather above all else a political-ideological attitude that fundamentally determines our attitudes to things and to the questions of life.

More important than these two groups, however, are those who reject or oppose us because they hold to another worldview.

Those who base their materialist image of the world on the doctrines of a liberal or Marxist era cannot understand how we can have dethroned their idols of "the economy and Mammon," replacing them at the center of our National Socialist process of construction and renewal with the German man, with the German people.

The other groups with a worldview warn their sheep in Christian piety, and in the name of both confessions, of the errors of National Socialist genetic and racial doctrines, and of the errors of the measures taken by the Third Reich. I have this request to those who, in contrast to the communist and Marxist foreign apostles, overtly and covertly go about their business at home: When you don the worthy priestly robes of either confession and claim that "your kingdom is not of this world," please concern yourselves with your kingdom and leave to us the responsibility for the kingdom of this world. Allow us to form our German state according to our laws and needs.

My fellow party members, you know the reasons for our National Socialist population and racial policies. We want to rescue a dying people from the edge of the abyss and lead it back to the paths that will lead, according to human reason, to a future in the coming millennium. We must oppose the three great dangers of racial and biological decline that have repeatedly destroyed states, peoples, and cultures in the past if they did not succeed it resisting in good time. We must therefore contend with these three issues: the decline in the birth rate, the increase in sick and unfit genes in our people, and the mixing of the blood of our people with that of foreign and unrelated peoples, in particular with Jewish blood.

When I spoke here a year ago about the necessity of a law to protect German blood, none of us imagined that a few days later the Führer would present his people with the brilliant Nuremberg Laws, the "Reich Citizenship Law" and the "Law for the Protection of German Blood and German Honor." The law to protect German blood created clarity in the Jewish Question, and the Reich citizenship law fulfilled points 4 and 5 of the National Socialist program.

Points 4 and 5 state:

"Only racial comrades may be citizens. A racial comrade can only be someone of German blood, without regard to religious confession. No Jew can therefore be a citizen."

"He who is not a citizen may live in Germany only as a guest, and must abide by the laws for foreigners."

The Nuremberg Laws replaced the concept of "citizen of the state" with "citizen of the Reich." That by itself had only formal significance. It did not by itself realize the demands of the party program.

However, the Nuremberg Laws make further infiltration of Jewish blood into the German national body impossible. To National Socialists, whose racial standpoint is anchored in blood, the wide-ranging scope of this historic decision makes all the other political and economic aspects of laws regarding the Jews of secondary importance.

The Nuremberg Laws would have been incomplete and unfinished had they not dealt with the status of the so-called German-Jewish half breeds, that is, the half and quarter Jews. This bastardized mixed race is not wanted, and the goal of the legislation is to make it disappear - both biologically and politically - as soon as possible. The marriage regulations will lead to that. A quarter Jew may only marry someone of full German blood, and a half Jew, provided he has not chosen to belong to the Jewish religion, or as we prefer, married a Jewish partner and thereby joined the Jewish people, may marry a German only with the permission of the Ministry of the Interior and the Deputy Führer [Rudolf Hess' office].

It came as no surprise to us, indeed it was what we expected, that the Nuremberg Laws were a welcome occasion for the Jews and their allies to scream about the "German barbarians." It is not worth the time to look into all these varied complaints. Our handling of the Jewish question is a matter of domestic German policy, but we do hope that many of our foreign Olympic guests were able to see for themselves how badly things are going for the"poor Jews" in terrible Nazi Germany.

To those who think that our regulations on the marriage of half Jews in Germany are unreasonable - or depending on their attitudes, inhumane or unchristian - I can only say that if the church can demand celibacy of hundreds of thousands, we believe before God and our consciences that it is good for our German people for us to forbid 200,000 half Jews to marry Germans.

I can well understand those German racial comrades who want to refuse any mixture of foreign Jewish blood at all, and who cannot understand the marriage regulations of the Nuremberg Laws that permit marriage to quarter Jews. To them I say that we have confidence that our 67 million people will be able to absorb the 100,000 quarter Jews - there are no more than that - without significant damage.

But those who believe that the Jewish question has been fully resolved in Germany by the Nuremberg Laws must know that the battle goes on. World Jewry itself is seeing to that. We will be victorious only when each German racial comrade knows that it is a matter of our very existence. The party's educational and training work seems to me more necessary than ever before, since even some party comrades see these matters as no longer relevant or important.

People are always saying that our National Socialist racial thinking is materialistic, unchristian, chauvinistic, imperialistic, and that it leads to the defamation of foreign races and peoples. The opposite is the case. We believe that our racial policy is the surest guarantee for mutual respect and for peaceful coexistence between the peoples of this world. Someone of another race is different from me both in body and soul, for both are important. This makes no value judgment about other races. We are too conscious of the relationship between our own blood and our own race to presume to make such a judgment, which could only come from a standpoint that thought itself above race and humanity.

Scientifically, the differences between races and peoples are incontrovertible. That is the foundation, the justification, and also the obligation of any racial policy, without which, according to our view, Europe and the whole world can never be at peace. National Socialism would never use military action to forcibly take over nations or populations that differ from us in blood and soul, since they would forever remain foreign elements within our state. We therefore reject chauvinism and imperialism, since we grant to other races on this earth the same right we claim for ourselves, namely the right to form our own live and environment according to the necessities and laws of our nature. Racial policy is thus to us a policy of peace.

Finally, a word to those who reject our racial policy as "unchristian." God has chosen to create humanity in the form of various races, as he has done in all of the rest of nature. Those who ignore race and its laws are not acting in a Christian manner, but rather we claim to be following the will of God, who has created the various racial types of this world so that each may maintain the greatest possible racial purity that will enable to develop its particular strengths.

I turn next to the second process of biological decline that has long been evident in our people: an improper selection that has neglected the most valuable elements in an almost criminal manner while providing for and supporting the inferior with endless resources.

The millions and billions that we have spent and the past, and the about one billion marks that we sacrifice today for the care of the genetically ill, is a squandering of our national resources that we National Socialists cannot justify when we consider the needs of the healthy population. Healthy working class families with numerous children today earn only enough for the necessities of life, which means that it is irresponsible that the state must provide the money for some genetically ill families who may have several family members in institutions costing thousands of marks annually.

The National Socialist state cannot repair the failings of the past, but through the "Law for the Prevention of Genetically Ill Offspring," it has seen to it that in the future the inferior will not be able to produce more inferior children, saving the German people from a steady stream of new moral and economic burdens resulting from genetic illnesses.

I discussed these matters in greater detail at the last two party rallies, so I will here respond only to several objections that have been made that might worry or concern harmless and gullible souls, though the objections are outbalanced by constantly growing praise from the whole world.

To those who claim that we act in an unchristian way, sinning against the will of God, we reply that we are convinced that we are acting consistent with the will of the creator when we prevent unhealthy life from being propagated, saving children and their children from new and enormous misery. The creator himself established the laws of life, which harshly and brutally let all that is unworthy of life perish to make room for the strong and healthy to whom the future belongs. This is necessary for the preservation and development of all that lives on this earth.

Even more absurd is the objection that our law on the sterilization of the genetically ill permits their sterilization without their explicit consent. We think it would be ridiculous to allow the genetically ill, who may lack intelligence - as with the feeble-minded - or free will - as in the case of the mentally ill - to make this decision, particularly since we already control their use of money and other dead things. It would be absurd to leave them with far more important decisions on procreation and children.

Other critics from the communist-Marxist camp deny us the right to think that we are acting correctly when we prevent inferior life, while at the same time refusing to permit the unlimited right to abortion when the growing life is valuable, even if a mother, a doctor, or someone else wishes it.

I believe that we have a good conscience before the world when we eliminate life that is unworthy of life, particularly when we see everywhere that the poisonous seed of communism is senselessly slaughtering thousands of valuable people.

But the National Socialist state is interested in more than merely preventing the spread of unfit genes. Just as important, indeed even more important, are the measures that aim to care for and promote the nation's valuable genes.

The most important measure since the last party rally is the "Law for the Protection of the Genetic Health of the German People" of 18 October 1935. As a "healthy marriage act," it returns marriage to its real purpose - producing healthy children. It provides for careful marriage counseling to ensure that people will marry only if it can be expected that their children will be healthy - genetically healthy.

A large number of other measures promote health and physical ability, maintain the military and productive readiness of the German people, and advance these by all possible means.

The duty of the state is to protect the people's health through legal measures, and to ensure that these policies are implemented. The task of the movement is to win the support of the people for these government policies, and to reestablish the sense of responsibility people have toward themselves, their families, and their people. The rights and necessities of the whole people supersede the right of the individual to his own body.

The state is responsible for ensuring health, the party is responsible for providing leadership in the area. The two reinforce and support the same goal: the maintenance and improvement of the strength of the German people.

Successful leadership in the area of health is primarily in the hands of the approximately 20,000 expert physicians with a reliable worldview who are organized in the Office for People's Health. They are the foundation of the confidence which must exist between those who will lead and those who are to be lead. We do not believe this confidence develops in the offices of state physicians, but rather only in personal contact between the individual citizen and a doctor whom he trusts. Our ideal. therefore, is not based on the laws, regulations and rulings of experienced state doctors, but rather in the German people's doctor, the old family doctor,who respects nature and knows how to use its healing powers - which have often been criminally ignored in the past. Of course, he also understands the methods of academic medicine. Since he understands racial hygiene, he will never never forget the people as a whole when he treats the individual. Prevention is more important to the doctor than healing! He wants to be a faithful aide not only in time of sickness, but also a counselor and a friend when someone is healthy. He is happier with a child who runs toward him with joy than with the most interesting and perhaps the most lucrative sickness.

I know that confidence in the German doctor suffered in many places in the past. I know that a comprehensive restructuring of a profession does not happen overnight, but rather requires a reasonable time. But I also know that an ever growing number of our German doctors are conscious of the great responsibility they have in the front lines of the battle for the strength and preservation of our people's blood, the most valuable treasure we possess, and the one thing that - once lost - can never be regained.

History teaches us in the long run peoples are not destroyed by economics or politics, by natural catastrophes, wars or inner struggles, but rather the last and ultimate cause behind every people's decline throughout history has a biological foundation that broke its strength and health. Many peoples have suffered heavy blows, including huge costs in living racial comrades, yet recovered within a few generations because their fertility was unharmed and their will to life remained healthy and strong. How often have healthy children sprung from the wombs of a defeated people and grown to become avengers and liberators who led their people to new greatness and to new triumphs.

Strength and health are given but once to a people, and once lost, they can never be regained, unlike destroyed cities and ruined fields.

In this regard, it is valuable to look at conditions in the Russian Soviet Union.

Although for understandable reasons it is not reported in official statistics and reports, various announcements and newspaper articles make it clear that heath conditions in Russia are becoming more and more catastrophic.

"Communist Pravda" writes on 24 February 1936: All the hospitals in Moscow were built over 20 or 30 years ago. No major repairs have been made for decades. The ceiling and walls of the department of infectious diseases were last painted in 1925. Hospitals are constantly short of needles, smocks, hand towels, as well as body and hand soap. In the leading Moscow model clinic, the bedding is tattered, and the mattresses, as in most hospitals, are entirely worn out.

"Pravda" of 7 July 1935 complains about criminal conduct against the health of workers and provides distressing numbers about illnesses resulting from unhealthy working conditions at the Moscow factory for measuring instruments during the first half of the year 1934.

It is also striking that, according to a report from Louis Fisher in the "Neuer Tagebuch" in 1936, the number of births in Moscow has steadily declined in recent years from 30.7 to 15.3, that is by more than half, and the number of abortions has increased by a factor of six. It is one and a half times as large as the number of births.

These reports make it clear that the Russian leaders have allowed unbelievable damage to be done to their people's health that will have bitter consequences for this people and for its military strength. To these Russian communist leaders, their people are only puppets in the battle for power, be that a struggle between various Jewish cliques or the struggle to establish communist-Jewish world domination. The well-known Franciscan priest and sociologist Dussee, who is certainly not guilty of any great love for Germany, wrote in the "New York Times" of 14 July 1936 that he had come to the conclusion, after six years of research, that communism was only a facade for international capitalism. We can only hope, in the interests of humanity, that this knowledge spreads more and more throughout the world.

My party comrades, we must understand that all the measures of our population policy that I have already described to you only make sense when the corresponding population is at hand, and the birth rate is sufficient to keep the population at the necessary level.

The German people grew from 42 million to 67 million between 1870 and today, but not through an increase in the birth rate, but only because the death rate constantly fell, resulting in an increase in the average life span. Aside from the fact that this shift leads to an undesired increase in the average age of the population, the death rate cannot go on falling forever, since we cannot abolish death and illness.

If the birth rate of the last decade were to continue - between 1900 and 1933, the annual number of births fell from two million to one million, which means it has fallen by half - a substantial decline in Germany's population would over time be inevitable. The German Office of Statistics estimates that the population of the German Reich would fall to about 47 million by the year 2000, and continue to fall thereafter, until another, stronger people would move into the empty space and our Germany would vanish from history like the old Greeks and other cultures of the past.

You know that since the takeover of power, there has been a happy improvement in the catastrophic population decline that had until then prevailed. The number of marriages, which had fallen to 517,000 in 1932, rose to 639,000 in 1933, 739,000 in 1934, and 651,000 in 1935.

The number of births per thousand reached its lowest point in 1933 at 14.7, or 971,000. In 1934 it rose for the first time in a long while to 1,197,000, or 18 per thousand, an increase of about a quarter. Despite a substantial decline in the number of marriages, the number of births rose again to 1,261,000, or 18.9 per thousand of the population. That is a very good situation that we can be more than proud of, since it shows unexpected and unrequested confidence in the government leadership and in the political and economic future.

Still, those voices both at home and abroad - I remember, for example, a recent article in Mussolini's paper "Popolo d'Italia" - are premature in drawing the conclusion that the German people has already resolved its population crisis. Aside from the fact that a birth rate of 20 per thousand is necessary to maintain our population, a figure that we have not yet reached, we have to expect a significant reduction in the number of marriages in coming years, which is the result of a not insignificant decline in the war and postwar generations that are now reaching marrying age. Thirty years of a declining birth rate have cost Germany around 13 million unborn children. From the standpoint of racial hygiene, a particularly painful and serious loss is the 3 to 3.5 million unborn children who would have been born to the best of our people, those who remained on the field of honor. They now would have been married and had children, the mothers and fathers of a strong generation that is now missing.

The statistics of the first quarter of 1935 show that the declining marriage rate of 1935 is continuing. There were 10.4% fewer marriages than in the first quarter of 1935. At the same time, the statistics also prove the very happy fact that, just as last year, the decline of the birth rate has not been parallel to the decline in the marriage rate. It fell by only 1.4%, a bit less than last year.

All of our efforts and policies must aim at maintaining these favorable birth statistics, and strengthening them.

The critical question is whether we can succeed in reaching an average of three to four live births per marriage. Only that will guarantee the survival of our people. The duty of the state is to provide legal and especially economic measures to equalize the burdens that today fall particularly heavily on families with many children. The task of the movement will continue to teach the people through a powerful campaign of education and enlightenment that the path to the future leads through a generation of healthy children, a generation large enough to maintain - and if necessary - defend what their parents and ancestors have won and created. The deepest causes of the decline in the birth rate are not economic. They are spiritual, they are rooted in the hostile attitude of the past era to families and children. If we do not succeed in changing this internal attitude of the German people, all our population policy efforts - however generous they may be - will be useless and without hope.

Only when the German people join to its powerful political will to self assertion a determined affirmation of its will to life, to the maintenance of its population both in number and in kind, will it guarantee its military strength, its freedom, its honor, and its future for all times.

On Sunday all Nuremberg was filled with the presence of young Germany. From the earliest hours of the morning, endless columns of Hitler Youth marched to the stadium. As always, it is a marvelous sight: In rows of 48, the youth stand with others from their area. It is a picture of discipline and strength. Other Hitler lads and girls sit in the seats around the field. Across from the Führer's platform are the choirs and music groups, and high above the watchtowers from which fanfares and drumbeats will sound. Rows of Naval Hitler Youth stand to the right and left of the Führer platform.

Among the guests of honor on the platform are the Reich Ministers as well as Reichleiters Amann, Bormann, Buch, Rosenberg, Dr. Ley, Dr. Dietrich, and all the Gauleiters of the movement. The military is represented by the Commander of the Luftwaffe, Reich Minister General Göring, General Fritsch and Admiral Raeder. Many officers of the army, Luftwaffe and navy as well as the leaders of the party, the state, and the diplomatic corps are seated behind the Reich Ministers. In the front alongside the Gauleiters are Chief of the S.A. Lutze and Reichsführer of the SS Himmler.

A few minutes before ten a command thunders over the field. The units and detachments stiffen, then break out in thousand-fold jubilation: The Führer has arrived.

He strides slowly through the columns of the SS along with the Reich Youth Leader, Reich Minister Rudolf Heß and the staff leader of the Reich Youth Leadership, Lauterbacher.

There is deep silence as the Reich Youth Leader introduces the Führer to the 50,000 young men. The Führer steps to the microphone to speak to his boys and girls who have so longed for this moment: "Heil, my youth," the Führer greets them. 50,000 throats return the greeting with thanks.

Silence returns and we experience the ceremony of young Germany.

The greeting of the youth is scarcely done when trumpets from the towers announce the beginning of the ceremony. Accompanied by a band under the direction of Bannführer Spitta, the freedom song of the youth sounds out like an oath:

Germany, holy word, eternal.
Be you forever blessed.
Holy are your lakes, holy your forests,
Holy your silent heights
Down to the green sea.
The land falls into sorrows,
Therefore we rise up;
Our helmets shine in the sunrise,
Our hearts rise up.
Freedom is the fire,
It is the bright vision,
As long as it flames high,
The world is never small.

As the song fades out, a bright young voice calls out a confession to the Führer. We all stand deeply moved. Everyone who experiences the moment sees an unforgettable scene:

While the song "A Young People Rises Up" is sung, slowly and solemnly the field banners of the Hitler Youth enter the stadium. 50,000 young throats welcome the banners and their bearers, who have marched for weeks across Germany with the flags of faith in the Führer.

They left weeks ago, some from the East where the Tannenberg Memorial holds holy watch, others from where coal is mined, some from the sea, others from where the royal mountains reach to the skies. Their march through Germany carrying the flag was an affirmation of the love and loyalty the whole German youth has for the Führer. They are the flags that were sanctified on the tomb of Frederick the Great, and before them a Hitler Youth carries the bloody flag of the immortal Herbert Norkus. We think back at this moment to that Sunday morning in February of 1932 when a simple working lad died for his faith in Adolf Hitler, one of so many who gave their lives in the struggle for their faith.

The moment the participants enter the stadium is a splendid experience for the participants in the Adolf Hitler March. They had carried their flags across country roads in all of Germany, through sun, rain and storm.

Once again the hymn sounds out:

Let the flags fly
In the glorious sunrise
That guides us to new victories
Or into flaming death.

Then the Reich Youth Leader steps to the microphone:

My Führer. It is five years since you gave me the task of leading the National Socialist youth. You described to me and my comrades what kind of youth organization it would be. The goal you outlined then, my Führer, is now a reality before you. You told us then to establish a youth community in which the sole rule should be that of achievement.

Before you stand the leaders of the HJ, some of whom are the sons of the poorest of our nation. What significance do concepts like poverty and wealth have in the reality of such a community?

In the future one will call only those poor who did not belong to this community when they were young (stormy applause). You further told us, my Führer, that this youth should be brought together not only by enthusiasm, but also by discipline and order. We have worked for years to fulfill your command, which today it is realized before you. We are proud to be worthy part of your great National Socialist movement. We were unable to meet only one of your requirements. You said then that you would think it a great success if we were able to bring a hundred thousand German youth together in a single organization. My Führer, you forgot that you had given this organization your name. You asked for a hundred thousand, but they have all come (thunderous applause). The number of this youth is also something in which they may take pride. They have proved that there is something even stronger than you thought, my Führer, the love the German youth have for you (stormy shouts of Heil).

There are many happy moments during one's youth. This each year is our happiest. We feel even more than others, my Führer, that we are bound to you by your name. Your name is the youth's happiness! Your name, my Führer, is our immortality! Our Führer: Sieg Heil!

Baldur von Schirach's last words are downed out by the jubilation of the masses. But silence falls immediately as the Führer speaks to his youth. Again and again storms of applause fill the stadium as Adolf Hitler clearly speaks that which lives in young hearts.

The Führer speaks to the German youth

[I am not translating the bulk of Hitler's speech, since it is available in the English translation of Max Domarus' collection of Hitler's speeches. It's rather expensive, but major libraries will have it. Hitler concluded the speech in this way:]

We live in exciting times. We make no complaints. We are used to battle, for out if it we came. We will plant our feet firmly in our earth, and no attack will move us. You will stand with me, should such a time come! You will stand before me, at my side, and behind me, holding our flags high! Let our old enemies attempt to rise up once more! They may wave their Soviet flags before us - but our flag will win the battle!

A command interrupts the jubilation. The columns are lined up perfectly, the Presentation March sounds out, accompanied by the rhythmic beating of the drums. The Führer watches, along with the Reich Youth Leader, Reich Minister Heß and Staff Leader Lauterbacher. He walks slowly down the lines of youth. Again and again the Presentation March plays. The Führer admires the wonderful discipline of the faithful youth of his only youth movement.

The flags rise once more as young throats sing the songs of the nation as if in prayer. The Führer stands in his car for a drive through the stadium and only after Adolf Hitler is long gone to the shouts of Heil fade.

The National Socialist seizure of power gave us the task of forming all of German life according to the spirit of National Socialism. The Führer's difficult fourteen-year struggle gave us the character and methods we needed to meet the challenges. A look back on what had been accomplished in the three and a half years since the National Socialist revolution, with its many actions and decisions, shows us that only it allowed us to fulfill our goals, and that it alone is able to find solutions to the problems facing the German people. We need the compass that the Führer gives us through his model and teachings, and to pledge to follow and remain loyal to that which we learned during the struggle for power. The virtues we learned then led to National Socialism's irresistible victory. Had we not had them, we would not have won power, and had we not maintained them, the power we gained would not have restored health and strength to the German people.

Our opponents during the struggle for power believed that they had a successful attack on us in claiming that the onrushing National Socialism had a party program that was limited to generalities, one that allowed no concrete positions on the problems of public and private life. Besides, the program was only designed to deceive the people, and National Socialism would ignore it once in power.

The Führer had already answered these charges in the party's program: It obligated National Socialists to defend the programmatic goals even at the risk of their lives. Even in the earliest days we believed that the few general principles of the program were better suited to deal with the problems of everyday life than a well-developed theoretical structure. This idea has proven its correctness a thousand times over in the past three and a half years.

I am happy to say that in my areas of endeavor in the party and state, a few National Socialist principles have given me the sure foundation for the many difficult decisions I have made. I am also convinced that the German people and the world public, insofar as it is ready to evaluate the situation objectively, will agree that developments in the German press give daily proof of the correctness and value of our National Socialist principles.

A look back before our seizure of power reminds us how numerous the problems of the press once were. Our few newspapers with their limited circulations fought heroically in the front lines to gain power. They stood against several thousands newspapers that represented other ideas and interests. There were many differences between the leading newspapers back then, but there was one thing they all lacked when compared to the National Socialist press: they had lost their connection to the people. They were responsible not to the people, but to some other group, be it parties, churches, economic interests or corporations, or they looked to their own good without considering the general good of the people. Such a press promoted class struggle, the confusion of social standing, religious incitement or moral decay. They did not promote the good of the individual and the strengthening of the community, rather collapse and decay. These newspapers that appealed to people's lowest instincts had lost their national and moral sense of responsibility, and had little influence.

Such a press could not be tolerated by National Socialism, whose task is the mobilization of all good and healthy strengths of the individual and the community, encouraging their expression and development. The German people is being rescued from a fragmentation of parties, classes, interests and special interests to enable them it to find its own nature and its own strengths once more. This requires that the whole of the German press serve German tasks. Our party's press is always a model, for it developed only to serve the idea and thereby the people. The exhausting everyday work aims at reaching that end.

That makes clear the goal of the National Socialism in the area of the press. All that is necessary is to follow a very few National Socialist principles.

1. The good of the German people was the goal from the beginning. The party's fight and our positions on individual issues were never ends in themselves, but rather they illuminated each aspect of our efforts in the light of the whole. We knew that the people were our highest treasure. We never wanted to impose an alien dictatorial system, but rather through the work of each individual National Socialist to win the confidence of the people. That is the prerequisite for leadership. Loyalty to the people and concern for their welfare is the foundation of the will and actions of National Socialism.

This led to my first task: the transformation of the German press into a true German people's press, a press that eliminated harmful, selfish or foreign elements and served only the people and its welfare. That means that the reader is no longer the object of a press that is harmful or foreign to him. Rather the principle guiding the press is the good of the individual and the community. A government that has as its only task securing the future of the nation can create such a press, and only such a state. In it, the interests of the state, of the community and of the individual agree. What is it that the reader wants from his newspaper? It should acquaint him with daily events both large and small, letting him know how these affect his life and how he can help the whole community. The newspaper should bring him into contact with the community and the community into contact with him, putting him in the center of what is happening. Besides meeting the needs of the individual and the community, which is the highest goal of the press, it should also satisfy his need for relaxation.

The press has a role in the daily life of every citizen, man, women or maturing youth, that cannot be filled by anything else, and the state has the duty to ensure that it can fulfill its role. Any state that is not an end in itself has the duty to see that the only goal of the press is to serve the people. That is why the Führer supported a people's press at the very beginning, and commented on the harmful effects of the press at the time in "Mein Kampf." He declared that it was the duty of the state to stop any misuse of this instrument of public opinion.

2. The idea of the equality of all people stood in contrast to the National Socialist principle of the creative power of personality. The responsibility of the individual replaced the irresponsibility of the masses. The accomplishment principle replaced all other principles for evaluating people. We could therefore have no doubt that the principle of accomplishment also applied to the press, that it was the foundation of a press that served the people. It can be controlled only by people who have the necessary prerequisites of character and will for these important tasks.

As in every area of life, here too competition is important to the full development of abilities. Accomplishment and creativity are therefore the marks of the press in a National Socialist state. All governmental measures concerning the press must serve these principles.

This rules out monopoly control of the press by any single hand. Despite all predictions to the contrary, it is also clear that private ownership of the press, as long as it is consistent with National Socialist views, has been maintained. This is compelling proof for our faithfulness to our party program and the depth of our adherence to the correctness of its principles, since otherwise it would have been easy for us to establish a party-owned press monopoly. That certainly would have been pleasanter for the party press itself. But the party did not choose the comfortable way. In the past three and a half years its own press too has been subordinate to these principles. The party press faced competition and had to improve. It has gained its position as the politically leading press by its own efforts.

3. The affirmation of the creative power of personality and accomplishment in the press proves the falsity of our opponents' claims about National Socialism plans and ideas. Supposedly the press would lose all lose all independence by state ownership and control of its content.

To the contrary, we have created the foundations for a truly independent press!

In the past, the so-called freedom of the press did not mean the press served the people, only that it was independent of the state. It was, however, left under the control of other powers and influences. The freedom of the press can only be secured when it is free from every kind of dependence. The first prerequisite is that only worthy and appropriate people are able to work in the press. The press must also have a sound economic foundation that removes any possibility of influencing it by financial means. Our principle of guaranteeing that the press is formed by the creative power of personality assures the freedom of its contents from outside influences, for such personalities would not work in the press if their abilities were restricted. We also know that a press that is the people's best comrade in their daily struggles can develop only from the work of the newspaper itself. A relationship between reader and the newspaper requires a precise knowledge of the needs of the readership. Also, we have not interfered with, and will not interfere in the future, with the mature variety of the German press, unique in all the world. Such variety would be destroyed by central control of its contents. Of course, the way in which the important questions of a nation are discussed in public does require that the state protect the people from harm. A state that fails in its duty to protect the people from such damaging press activity has lost its right to exist, for the people, not the press is the measure of all things!

Thus the National Socialist state does influence the press with regard to the vital issues of the nation. The newspaper must serve the whole. In areas where only the state is able to judge what is necessary, it has priority. The press still depends entirely on the work of its members. That is not interfering in the press, but rather a way of increasing its value for the people and the nation by preventing the press from doing great harm. Germany would today not have regained its military freedom or the Rhine land, it would not have borders guarded by weapons and aircraft, it would have no super highways and major buildings, but it would have seven million more unemployed, if the value of such measures had been argued in the press. The result when the press is not subject to such restrictions is clear from Germany's terrible fate after the World War.

My most important goal is to protect our press from outside influence. The seriousness with which the state takes the independence of the press is proven by its laws, for through the Reich Chamber of Culture Law and the Editor's Law the press itself has the responsibility of fulfilling its mission. This is in contrast to all other countries in the world, where press control is exercised by the police.

Only the application of these principles can ensure that the press serves the good of the community. This is clear from the devastating example of the press before National Socialism, which never was concerned with that issue. The goal was never to protect the people, but to serve the press as an end in itself. It was of no interest if the press were bought by some force and used to harm the people. Nor did it care if the makers of the press had the ability to say something to the people that was in its interest. The talk of freedom of the press only made the individual defenseless against the misuse of the press.

All the measures National Socialism has implemented flow from these principles. These include the Reich Chamber of Culture Law, the regulations of the Reich Chamber of Culture, the Editor's Law, and the Advertising Council of the German Economy. The Reich Chamber of Culture and the Editor's Law view the press not as an end in itself, but as the work of creative personalities. They therefore involve everyone working in the press and give them appropriate guidelines. Finally, the legal prerequisites for implement the principle exist. Only those of ability and character may use the instrument of the press. These laws provide the basis for excluding all those elements who would misuse the press, and open the way for those with ability. Through these laws and regulations, we have done solid National Socialist work. Let me summarize the most important measures and their results.

1. All non-Aryans and those with non-Aryan relatives are prohibited from working in the press. The German press today is produced by Germans and is an expression of German culture and the German soul.

2. All special interests and organizations who oppose the unity of the nation, whether of economic or religious nature, as well as all their advocates and functionaries have been eliminated from the German press. The German press no longer is divided into segments that serve classes, churches and economic interests, but rather it serves the entirety of the German people. All those working in the press are obliged to serve only the common good of the German people.

3. We have also excluded all those from the German press who lacked the necessary abilities. This includes elements that used the press to split rather than unify, those to whom the people was not the highest value, who used religion to fragment the nation, who saw the press only as a business. We have ruthlessly removed them all. The whole German press today is worthy of its task.

4. We have made personal responsibility the foundation of the press, and eliminated such influences as those of anonymous capital or intermediaries for third parties.

5. Subventions or other support for the press, regardless of their form, are forbidden, and thus the possibility of corruption is ruled out.

On the other hand, we have done all in our power to provide a firm economic foundation for publishers. Among many other measures, the regulations on advertising from the Advertising Council of the German Economy serve this goal. Above all, we have reduced the total number of newspapers, which was the result of the former identification of parts of the press with various special interests. The result is that the economic health of the newspaper industry has increased, and promises good social and economic conditions in the future .

6. We have insisted that the press has intellectual and cultural public responsibilities for everyone, whether editor or publisher, and have eliminated any idea of the press as an end in itself. The economic functions too serve the intellectual goals of the press. We have removed all involvement in the press from those companies that had a purely economic interest. This guarantees that the press serves the people, not private interests that may harm them.

7. We have made known to those in the German press the importance of their tasks, which obliges them to work to the best of their abilities. It is now self-evident to all those working in the German press that their work is based on the foundation of truth, the protection of individual honor, regard for morality and national discipline.

8. Earlier the members of the press fought amongst themselves. We have formed a profession involving them all, regardless of function, and thus built the foundation for a professional outlook suited to the magnitude of their responsibilities.

The success of our measures is evident in the growth of the publishing firms as well as in the increase in the total circulation of the German press. Our enemies once predicted that the victory of National Socialist would mean the end of the German press. This prophecy has proved as false as all their others.

Before National Socialist legislation, the circulation of the press was uncertain. There was no law requiring accurate figures be given, and there were various ways of determining circulation. We defined the concept and required that accurate figures be given. There are about 17 million households in Germany. The circulation of the German daily press in the first quarter of 1936 was 19,700,000. That means that every German home receives a newspaper, without even considering magazines.

There are still some prophets, mostly among the emigrants, who cannot stop lying. These boys believe that the reduced number of German newspapers is proof of the correctness of their former prophesies. Let me speak clearly to that:

The strength and impact of the German press has not declined simply because the number of individual newspapers is less. We have gotten rid of the sensational press along with all the other newspapers that served something other than the German people. The 2,000 papers that today serve the German people are worth far more to us than the 3,250 papers of the past that to a significant degree worshiped at altars other than the fatherland, and which therefore had to be sacrificed for the fatherland!

And what better evidence for the strength of the German press is there than that despite the reduction in the number of newspapers, the total circulation has increased! To those prophets I have this to say: Just as the German people have defeated forces harmful to them and thereby regained their freedom and strength, so too the German press has been freed from these elements and has its lasting place in Germany. I might also give them the good advice to direct their attention to the press in other nations.

In my address to the party congress last year I referred to the criticism of the press levied by leading statesmen in the western democracies. Today I will discuss the press in a country that is carrying out a revolutionary transformation of the press: Soviet Russia.

It is obvious that Jewish Bolshevism is using entirely different press principles than we National Socialists. That is clear even in the way it implements its policies. We retained all the valuable principles of the past, but in Russia they have followed the principle of destruction. We have kept that which honestly served the German people, but Bolshevism began by destroying everything that existed. We retained individual personality, initiative and competition as the foundations of the press, and also private property. In Communist Russia, as in everything else they established a monopoly of the state, the unions and the collectives. Our whole purpose was to build a press that served the German people, while Bolshevism tolerated only a proletarian class press that strove to eliminate all not in the ruling class. It is no surprise that their journalists are almost entirely Jewish. Jewish control of the press system is more advanced than any other area of the Soviet state.

The content of our press is determined by the needs of the people, whereas the contents of the communist press are determined by the press department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. It also has censorship authority. Furthermore, each edition of a newspaper must pass state censorship before it can be distributed. The rules and administrative system rule out any independence on the part of the press. It is merely an instrument of Jewish class rule. Given the nature of communist doctrine, it is obvious that all moral and national virtues are entirely lacking, or are the targets of the communist press' campaign of annihilation.

Given communist doctrine and its attitude toward the press, it is also obvious that not only the press, but also journalists themselves are under the state. Government regulations control every aspect of journalistic activity. Detailed rules determine their compensation and activities. This makes particularly clear the nonsense of communist planning. It is not surprising that their are few communist journalists, since their economic position is very bad. As an example, even after a pay increase several years ago, only about 10% of provincial journalists even owned a pocket watch.

Our press can depend on competition and a sound and responsible leadership on the part of publishers. The monopoly of the press in Russia has completely destroyed its economic foundations. Aside from the three Moscow newspapers, all Russian newspapers lose money and required government subventions of 30 million rubles in 1930. The elimination of personality and competition naturally, the logical result of communist teaching, replaced sound economics. The people had to pay for the resulting losses. The communist planned economy took intellectual and business matters from the publishers, leaving them only with the organizational and technical aspects of putting out a newspaper. The state makes all the important decisions. It determines the newspaper's planning, its circulation area, its circulation, its content. Its postal monopoly controls the distribution. The advertising business, also a monopoly, is entirely insignificant as a result of the communist economic system.

Building the Russian system on foundations entirely different from those of National Socialism naturally led to grotesque consequences. The newspapers' content is bad. The level of the average journalist in the Soviet Union is low. "Pravda," the leading communist newspaper, recently published a letter that said: "We have few journalists with initiative who can handle a question independently." Most editors have passed only a middle-level exam in Russian writing, and many are semi-illiterate. Many articles as a result have several authors, since no single journalist is able to write them. The 18 June 1936 issue of "Pravda" provides examples of poor reporting even from the sole official Russian news agency "Tass." The leading communist newspaper has been carrying regular articles about the complete inadequacy of the Russian press.

The same deficiencies are evident in every area. The distribution of newspapers and magazines is the result more of accident than orderly plan. The members of the Bolshevist government responsible for the press were unable to conceal its catastrophic failures and weaknesses at the communist press congress this past May. They mentioned the obvious weaknesses in journalists' knowledge of simple political and economic matters, which had to be publicly criticized, and added that newspapers and magazines are often distributed irregularly. As an example, magazines dated in January saw the light of the day only in March or April. The propaganda chief of the Communist Party said: "This is true contempt for the subscribers. Those responsible must be punished." This communist spokesman forgot to mention only that these problems are not accidental, but rather the result of the application of communist principles.

The Soviet press catastrophe shows with frightening clarity what would have happened to the German press and our other cultural values if National Socialism had not rescued our people and fatherland from the hands of Jewish Bolshevism.

When the Führer returned from the war as an unknown soldier and began his struggle to rescue the German nation, he had nothing but his own will. The press of the whole world was against him, above all the press of self-serving parties. Here too the National Socialist state changed the face of Germany. The face of the German press today reflects the living soul and creativity of the German people.

We have not found it necessary to harm our people by making experiments with uncertain outcomes. We have not wasted party or government money. Our only capital was the incomparable experience of a 14-year struggle and the unshakable will to solve the tasks the Führer gave us. We established the economic foundation of the German press on National Socialist principles and built upon that foundation.

Old National Socialists always think back to the spirit of the period of struggle. When one battle was finished, the Führer stood before us and gave the order "the fight continues." These words are the best expression of the laws we follow in working for the German people, for they command us never to tire or rest until our work is done.

The slogan today is the same as always. Then the struggle was to gain control of state power. Today our task is to work every day to fulfill the meaning of the National Socialist seizure of power: to make the nation healthy and strong in all areas by realizing the program of the movement.

My Führer! In the past years the measures we have taken, in close cooperation with our party comrade Dr. Goebbels, have fulfilled point 23 of our party platform.

This is the third time that I have been reported on the construction of our Führer's roads to the Party Congress.

Two years ago I announced the beginning of work on these roads throughout the Reich.

A year ago I reported on the efforts of 250,000 German workers, who after long years of unemployment had found work in building Adolf Hitler's roads.

Today, just three years after the work began, I announce the completion of the first 1000 kilometers of Adolf Hitler's roads.

"Give me four years," the Führer asked the German people at the beginning of 1933. None of the great tasks that the Führer's will set in motion has been neglected. After three years, unemployment has practically disappeared. The military has been restored in the third year. And I can announce that German highway construction has also become a reality.

About 600 kilometers of the Reich Autobahn have been finished by German workers and engineers and opened to traffic. German motorists have welcomed the new roads. Over 14,000 vehicles use the section from Munich to Rosenheim each Sunday in the direction of Berchtesgaden. 6,000 to 10,000 use the other completed sections near Frankfurt, Cologne, Leipzig, Hanover, Stettin, Breslau, etc.

The completed sections of the Reich Autobahn have already become the most heavily used roads in the world.

The capacity of the new roads is best demonstrated by traffic statistics. 1800 vehicles, one vehicle every two seconds, smoothly travel the most heavily trafficked sections each Sunday during a two hour period.

While the number of vehicles from both home and abroad rises steadily, the labor of 250,000 workers is adding yet further kilometers to the system. This past summer, ten new kilometers were completed each day. The major accomplishments to date are:

About 170,000,000 cubic meters of earth have been moved (this would fill a line of trucks extending around the world four times);

5,000,000 cubic meters of concrete have been used (filling 100,000 railway cars).

The German workers have been supported by a fleet of 50,000 trucks, 2300 locomotives, 3,000 kilometers of track and 1000 concrete machines.

Not only enthusiastic German drivers, but the entire world admires this great work of German labor.

Numerous foreign guests attending the Olympics noted our road construction.

A leading American said: "Tell Dr. Todt that he is building the best roads in the world."

23 Swedes told a daily newspaper in their capital: "The Autobahns are the best automobile highways in the world."

A French newspaper commented: "France once led the world in highway construction, but it has fallen far behind Germany."

Members of the Swiss Automobile Club wrote: "Once a tourist had driven on the Autobahn, he is spoiled."

A Danish newspaper: "They are the expression of a national energy that compels the greatest admiration."

And the headline to an article about Adolf Hitler's roads in a British newspaper says: "England Needs Such Nazi Roads!"

Only one country and one system is unable to recognize our accomplishments: Russia. They make the lying claim that our road construction program is only on paper. That gives us the right to take a brief look at road construction in the Soviet paradise. What is its plan, its accomplishments?

Control of Russia's highways rests not as before with the experts, but with the police. That is justified, since highway construction in Russia uses forced labor exclusively. There is no free labor, or free companies. Highway labor is compulsory not only for prisoners, but also for the rural population. Each man from 18 to 45 and each woman from 18 to 40 must give a certain amount of time each year without pay for highway construction. More prosperous farmers and their families must give double the standard amount of labor. The newspapers at present are reporting that a major military highway is to be built connecting Moscow and Minsk. 30,000 political prisoners are to do the work.

Despite the massive scale of forced labor used to build Russian roads, the actual accomplishments are limited. It gives a miserable impression of the actual results of repeated five-year plans.

The enormous nation of Russia today has just 60,000 kilometers of paved roads, just 12 meters per square kilometer. Germany and other European nations in contrast have on average 40 times as much paved road per square kilometer as Russia. The limited amount of paved roads testifies to the low level of automotive culture in this large, yet barren and uncultured nation.

Russia does not need more roads, since the huge country had barely 320,000 vehicles today. Russia's entire supply of motorized vehicles is no greater than the number of new vehicles in Germany over the past year and a half.

The miserable situation is clear from the goals of the second five-year plan.

The amount of paved highways is to increase from 60,000 to 80,000 kilometers, that is from 12 to 16 meters per square kilometer.

The second five-year plan also proposes to establish 55 large and 172 smaller repair shops and 1000 filling stations in the huge country. We have nothing with which to compare the wretchedness of this program and its goals.

We do not live in the Soviet paradise, but rather in National Socialist Germany, in the Reich of Adolf Hitler. We work with free workers to carry out the Führer's tasks.

On 23 September, less than 900 days from the beginning efforts, the first 1000 kilometers of Adolf Hitler's roads will be finished. They are roads unequaled anywhere else in the world in their technical excellence and beauty. Is this a work of technology?
No! Like so much else, it is the work of Adolf Hitler!

After the series of marches that each day give the Reich Party Rally its most visible form, the Day of the Wehrmacht on the Zeppelin Field brings the week to an end.

To give the hundreds of thousands of party rally participants the opportunity to see the Wehrmacht, there were two parades on Monday. The first was at 8:00 a.m. Minister of War General Field Marshall von Blomberg gave a short speech to the troops and presented them with their new standards. The Führer was present for the second parade in the afternoon. The Führer and Supreme Commander spoke to his soldiers. A gathering of all participating military units on the Zeppelin Field and a solemn flag-lowering ceremony at midnight at the Führer's hotel completed the Day of the Wehrmacht.

The enormous stands surrounding the Zeppelin Field were of course packed by early morning with those who were eagerly awaiting the military spectacle. The fall air was fine and sunny. The many swastika flags were supplemented by the Reich Battle Flag.

Many of the viewers were not familiar with the nature of our modern army. The program was designed to give them an overview of the various military units and their role in the army as a whole. Of course, the space available did not allow for genuine military maneuvers, since the troops were restricted to a relatively limited area.

The loudspeakers announced the beginning of the parade at 8:00 a.m. sharp. The Luftwaffe demonstrated its capacities and duties. Reconnaissance aircraft appeared high above, with another group soon coming from the opposite direction. New formations appeared a few minutes later, their deep drone audible from afar. A fighter squadron flew low over the field. Behind them came the "Hindenburg" squadron, followed by squadrons 153 and 155. Then came groups from the "General Wever" and "Bölcke" squadrons.

The air is filled with the sounds of the larg